"From
the days of Raghu to Akbar, Bengal had never been cowed
down to come under the sway of Delhi, capital of allen
imperialism. Bengal resisted the attempts of Lord Krishna
to make the whole of India as one."
In a spirited speech delivered at the L.Y.M.A., Madras
on the 15th of April, Prof. Ghose an erudite scholar
and one who has borne the brunt of many a battle in
the cause of justice and liberty, pointed out, this
fact — Bengal was never before subjected to Delhi. This
means that now, Delhi has got Bengal in its clutches.
From very ancient times, (from Raghu) till the grand
Mughals (Akbar), Bengal, like our own motherland, was
able to maintain its independence. And by maintaining
its independence, Bengal was able to offer to the sub-continent,
rich culture and valour richer still. The seers and
savants, poets and reformers that Bengal gave birth
to, are held in very high esteem, even today. Long before
even the attainment of Swaraj, that has given an honoured
place for this sub-continent in the comity of nations.
The whole of South East Asia, throbbed with heroism
and a spirit of self sacrifice, at the very mention
of the word, Netaji Subash Chandra Bose! It was Bengal
again, which gave a scientist of rare genius, whose
depth of thought and nobility of expression was applauded
all over the world. None could, after a glimpse of the
History of Bengal, escape the thrill and throb. Mighty
has been its monarchs, mightier still its people! It
never bowed low, never spared anything in the cause
of freedom and liberty, and held up the torch of knowledge
high aloft, when there was darkness all around. Prof.
Ghose has every right to be enthusiastic about Bengal—certainly,
neither Puranic heroes nor the Padhushas were able to
subjugate Bengal, the bastion of liberty, the beacon-light
of culture.
But .....! And it is because of the advent of this ominious
'But', that, Prof. Ghose, has been amidst us, to instil
a spirit of hope and vigour unto us, so that, we from
this State, would join the freedom fight, now begun.
"Bengal had faced many a bullet over the centuries
in her struggle to preserve her freedom and culture.
Yet one more shot has been fired in the shape of Hindi
as the official language."
Prof. Ghose spoke thus, not to scare, but to instil
hope and courage for he adds, 'Hindi enthusiasts would
miserably fail in their attempts.'
We feel happy to hear this lyric of hope and valour—but
we are happier still to hear from this scholar from
Bengal, some of the fundamentals, with which we are
intimately connected.
Whenever we here point out that our Motherland was never
enslaved, but remained Sovereign for ages and ages,
we are being dubbled as being 'tribal'.
When we point out that from the days of the Avatars
right up to the days of Aurangazeb, we were not chained
to the chariot wheels of any Northern power, we are
being scolded as being fanatic.
When we point out, that even the noble Asoka, whose
polity was built upon piety and nobility, crossed not
the Narmada, as overlord, we are dubbed as dabblers
in half-baked history.
When we ask our people to remember, that Harsha and
Kanishka, Chandragupta and Samudragupta, were attempting
to build up an 'Empire'—but only as far as the Vindhyas,
we are being mocked at as becoming ultra-emotional.
History, literature, architecture, archaeology, culture,
language—all bear ample testimony to the fact that we
here formed a distinct nation—an entity —with a mission
and a message.
But, whenever we speak in this vein, we are scolded,
not by scholars and historians, and linguists, but by
the Congress Ministers. The less their claim to learning,
the louder is their voice! Their vehemence is equalled
only by the vacuum in their mind, as regards the different
branches of study.
Hence it is, that we feel highly elated to find similar
thoughts surging in the mind of this scholar from Bengal,
Prof. Ghose.
Let those, who because of their place, have become bold,
unleash their uncultured arguments. Men do not become
eminent, by merely occupying places of eminence. We
care not about what they say and feel, so long as there
are scholars to substantiate our statements, express
similar sentiments. No amount of venom poured forth
by those who have become the vassals of Delhi, is going
to stamp out the glow of enthusiasm and emotion surging
up in our heart. And, Prof. Ghose's masterly analysis
goes but to strengthen our conviction and generate fresh
enthusiasm and confidence. We are thankful to him for
his timely discourse,
Prof. Ghose said that India was a country of many nations.
That is exactly what we here are propagating, not for
disruption as our rulers dub it, but for the realisation
of the best and the noblest, that each nation is capable
of contributing to the world.
We of course cannot expect Mr. Kamaraj to endorse this
fact, we are prepared to appreciate his inability in
this respect—but what possibly could be the reason for
the antagonism shown or the indifference exhibited even
by those who have had courses in History! Strong indeed
ought to be the motive and sweet certainly should be
the bait placed before them. It was just when we were
munching sorrow, that this doughty Bengali has come
forward to place truth, with a courage of conviction.
We would like to meet more such men.
"Bengalis and South Indians were the original people—South
India had the oldest culture and the oldest language."
—says Prof. Ghose, and asks us, to join hands with him
and put up a fight against Hindi.
Prof. Jyotish Chandra Ghose pointed out that the move
to replace English by Hindi is yet another attempt in
history to impose language imperialism, by the North
over Bengal and South India.
We here have been carrying on a relentless fight against
this language imperialism.
More than that, we have been resisting, the onward march
of Delhi imperialism as a whole.
The only difference, if difference it could be termed,
as between us and the Professor, seems to be this.
Prof. Ghose, seems to feel that the imposition of Hindi,
is a stray, sudden, senseless and tactless attempt at
forging a language Imperialism. The Professor is correct
in his description of the disease, but we here, feel
that the disease in born from a deep-rootted germ already
implanted in body-politic, we refer to the political
imperialism now lodged at Delhi.
We feel strongly, that so long as Delhi is given imperial
powers under the guise of a Central government, so long
will there be the menace. If one attempt is thwarted
another would spring up. If we are alert, imperialism
would pause, but it would pounce upon us, unawares.
Hence it is, that we here, are advocating a more permanent
remedy to eradicate the malady in the body-politic.
Hindi, after all, is a cudgel, with which they want
to beat us down. If our efforts are trim, then we could
break this cudgel to pieces. But the menace is there!
It may come, in any shape, at any time! And to be always
on the look-out for such attempts, and fight them out,
might be heroic, but much precious time and tact, energy
and enthusiasm would be eaten up in this task of warding
off dangers.
But if we were to stand up and place the historic truth,
that 'from Raghu to Akbar,' we were not subjugated by
Delhi, and hence, we need not now be a vassal to that
imperialism, if we are able to convince the fair-minded
freedom-lovers, that endowed with a distinct culture,
a noble heritage, we are entitled to be, Independent
Sovereign State, not of course to subjugate others or
be warring with others, but for breathing the salubrious
air of freedom, so that the best and the noblest in
our Nation could be got, for enriching the common pool,
then and then alone could there be a lasting solution
to the malady at present eating into the vitals of the
body-politic.
Imperialism cannot be merely language Imperialism. Language
is one of the means that the Imperialist is employing
at present, for achieving his sinister scheme. But there
are the other coils, more sinewy and poisonous! Any
imperialism is like an octopus! We cannot possibly save
ourselves by escaping from one of its coils:—
From Raghu to Akbar, Bengal did not come under the sway
of Delhi! True! But, now....?
(Editorial
- 20-04-1958)